一、China’s Social Security Policy（论文文献综述）
Noor Mohammad Sarker[1]（2021）在《后冷战时代小国在国际政治中的角色演变 ——孟加拉国和新加坡的案例研究》文中提出What explains small states’ evolving role in the post-Cold War international politics?This dissertation answers this question by analyzing the key factors behind the rising significance of small states in both regional and global institutions.It also examines the linkages among these factors and theoretically explains their contributions as well as limitations.By employing the qualitative method of social research and the case study design,the dissertation tastes the hypothesis that,the development of the practices of rules,norms and institutions in the post-Cold War international relations as well as the corresponding geostrategic as well as geoeconomic significance of Bangladesh and Singapore have been contributing to their evolving role as small states in the contemporary international politicsThe existing literature on the role of small states represent the conventional wisdom that,the transition of world politics from unipolarity to multipolarity,the spread of globalization,and the rise of transnational connectivity remain some of the major contributing forces to the progress of global and regional institutions in the post-Cold War era,which have brought qualitative developments to the contemporary world politics and granted small states to enjoy a greater foreign policy autonomy as well as to grasp larger opportunities for strengthening their national developments.While supporting this conventional wisdom,the findings of the study establish an additional argument that,significant geopolitical locations and geoeconomic characteristics often place some small states in a better position for playing an efficient role in global and regional institutions,and thereby extracting larger benefits from the evolving structure of world politics.The findings of the dissertation also point out that,small states’ activism in regional organizations somewhat provides impetus for their rising significance in global institutions.The case studies of Bangladesh and Singapore,as explanatory variables,provide the utility of the core arguments offered by the study.With numerous examples,the dissertation shows that,the post-Cold War international political structure has been favorable to Bangladesh and Singapore in employing their geopolitical and geoeconomic advantages with regard to play more efficient role in global and regional organizations.
Muhammad Nauman Akhter[2]（2021）在《中国不断变化的阿富汗对阿富汗政策（2009-2019）》文中提出International politics isn’t a static phenomenon;instead,the most thriving characteristic is the change.Owing to this distinguishing feature,the relations among states has to be varied accordingly.Both internal and external modifications affect states’ behavior,reflects in the form of their foreign policies.Therefore,it’s a mountainous task to study the state’s action,analytically and objectively.The thesis is an attempt to highlight continuity and change in policies of major regional powers at large and the role of leadership in foreign policy changes at particular.China has maintained a cautious policy towards Afghanistan;a state victim of foreign intervention and domestic violence more than four decades.Changing the nature of the conflict,dynamics of power configuration and evolution of policy response by China have been analyzed in this study.The Heart of Asia;Afghanistan embraced several internal coup d’etats,faced the wrath of the Soviet Union during the Cold War and the exercise of military might by the-then hegemon in the post-Cold War era.These back-to-back power shows by superpowers had implications for regional security,order and peace.Not only neighboring states had impacts of such major power shifts but also underwent a policy transformation to respond to this change.Afghanistan lies within the second and third of four-concentric security circles of China and is very important as the source of stability/instability in the western region of China.However,fewer attempts have been made to explore this western neighbor.This study applies the Neo-Classical Realism（NCR）and tries to explain the link between internal（Perception of new leadership in China about the relative positioning of his state in international system）and external variable;withdrawal of the United States,uncertainty in terms of the power vacuum and potential stronghold of an adversarial state;particularly India in Afghanistan.It maintains that while the United States announced withdrawal from the immediate neighborhood of China,yet India;a state that has been an active partner in the United States’pivot to Asia policy which is considered as offensive encirclement in China’s view,enjoyed the extended support of Washington in Afghanistan.Additionally,extensive scale cooperation between India and Afghanistan that ranges from a political stratum,infrastructure building,economic investment,so-called humanitarian assistance and last but not least security and strategic partnership,invokes several concerns for China.These include potential support to Islamic militancy in western China,a threat to the territorial integrity of Pakistan.In contrast,Pakistan bears the flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative（BRI）by China.Considering these factors,a change in perception of leadership in Beijing resulted in change in policy from passive to active involvement in Kabul.The evolution of Chinese policy towards Afghanistan since 2009 is explained through the prism of NCR.It shares the basic assumptions with both Classical and Neo-Realism and takes into account the international and domestic variables to explain the foreign policy outcome of a state.The research takes the change in China’s policy since 2009 as the dependent variable,with the U.S withdrawal growing concerned for increasing Indian involvement affecting their relative position in the region as external（independent）variable and changing perception of China’s leadership as an internal（intervening）variable.The research focuses on the period since 2009 to 2019 and holds the period since 2001 as a pre-evolution phase where China played the role of an observer and maintained a modest economic presence in Afghanistan.Since the first announcement of withdrawal of the US-led western forces in 2009,China’s Afghanistan policy has been changing towards more engagement and bilateral cooperation.The word‘changing’implies that ever since 2009,China has been upgrading its Afghanistan’s engagement.The purpose of choosing the period 2009 to present is based on the theory NCR,in which one independent variable is the announcement of withdrawal plan of the US-led western force that is one of the major precursors for China’s Afghan policy.Under the independent variables,the research will evaluate the China’s Afghan policy since 2009 to present.To regulate the cause-and-effect relations between the dependent,independent and intervening variables,the study applies process tracing.In doing so,the research used both primary and secondary sources,including monographs,journal articles,newspapers and official databases.This study consists of several chapters.Chapter 1,the first chapter explains the research background,it outlines the whole thesis and offers a fundamental base for research under the mentioned topic.Encompassing the ground,it then proceeds to postulate hypothesis and explains the gap by evaluating previous literature.Lastly,theoretical framework,hypothesis,methodology,significance,literature review and objective of the study are discussed.Chapter 2,it takes a look at the wars in Afghanistan and the responses of relevant actors.The first part based on the historical background of Afghanistan accounts for the relevance of the 1979 war and the involvement of significant actors.The second part of the chapter explains the effects of 9/11 and its impacts on the security situation in Afghanistan;the chapter connects the links of the relevant actors’policies based on the pre 9/11 situation.It comprehensively deals with the significance of Afghanistan for China and other regional states.A thorough pro-genesis of the modern history of Afghanistan has been made,that helps in establishing the link between great power politics of balancing and role of buffer states from the era of colonialism to contemporary times.It also highlights the importance of Afghanistan in more excellent regional connectivity.The chapter then looks at China’s policy evolution since 9/11 and change in its stance towards Afghanistan.Chapter 3,it deals with the role of internal variables,i.e.,the part of leadership and their perception about the relative positioning of their state in the international system,the continuation of Neighborhood diplomacy and BRI.It also looks at China’s increasing economic interest in Afghanistan.The worsening security situation has also been discussed and its spillover effects that can have implications over western part of China.Chapter 4,through looking at the role of the United States’ exit policy and its effects not only on the region but most importantly on China,throws light on the external variables.By analyzing the change in power dynamics due to the creation of power vacuum and the threat of rival regional powers to take over,the chapter takes into consideration the potential factors which can threaten Chinese interests in the region.Chapter 5,it concludes that China approach towards Afghanistan amongst all great powers has been exemplary.This chapter also concludes the whole study.The concluding remarks are that China moulded its Afghan policy under the pretext of external and internal variables.Moreover,China’s Afghan policy is best explained under the theory NCR.The theoretical justification best explains the whole effect on the Chinese foreign policy towards Afghanistan.Also,the thesis presents some recommendations.
LI Qiong,ZHAO Yang,LI Songlin,ZHANG Lanlan[3]（2021）在《Spatial-temporal characteristics of the coupling coordination of social security and economic development in China during 2002–2018》文中提出Clarifying the relationship between social security and economic development is helpful to realize the sustainable social security system and the stable function of sustainable economic development. In this paper, the entropy method, coupling coordination degree, standard deviation ellipse model, and spatial autocorrelation were used to study the spatial-temporal characteristics of coupling coordination of social security and economic development in China from 2002 to 2018. The results indicate that the relationship between social security and economic development in China has been gradually strengthened in the process of mutual adaptation and common development. The benign interaction between the two was unstable, though the coupling coordination degree gradually transitioned to the primary coupling coordination type. Besides, from a spatial perspective, first, the coupling coordination degree of social security and economic development in China contracted in the east-west and north-south directions, and the coupling coordination clustered in the central region in this period; second, the coupling coordination degree generally presented a positive spatial autocorrelation, and regions with similar coupling coordination degrees were in a state of agglomeration; finally, the hot spots clumped together to form a continuous area in the eastern coastal area while the cold spots expanded toward the northwest and northeast. Furthermore, the random distribution areas exhibited a trend of contraction.
YU Le-rong,LI Xiao-yun[4]（2021）在《The effects of social security expenditure on reducing income inequality and rural poverty in China》文中研究指明Social security has, as one of its primary aims, the provision of financial support to those deemed to be poor or facing the threat of poverty. Based on China’s national statistical data covering social insurance, social assistance, and social welfare between the period 1978–2018, this paper evaluates the effect of social security expenditure in reducing income inequality and rural poverty with cointegration analysis. It was found that there is a positive correlation between social security expenditure and the income gap of urban and rural residents in the long run, but the effect is very limited; nearly 99% of the changes of the urban–rural income gap come from its own contributions. Further research also shows that the elasticity of rural poverty incidence to social security expenditure is –0.2255, which indicates social security expenditure helps reduce rural absolute poverty. Based on these findings, the policy implications can be that much social security expenditure and a more equitable social security system should be encouraged. It will become one of the major anti-poverty strategies after 2020 in China when we win the battle against absolute poverty.
Takudzwa McDonald Madzimure[5]（2021）在《Analysis of the US Economic Sanctions on Zimbabwe:2001-2021》文中研究表明研究对2001年美国对津巴布韦实施的制裁进行了批判性分析。对于制裁的实际目标一直存在争议和分歧。美国政府指出,经济制裁的主要目的是迫使津巴布韦政府和军方尊重人权和民主。然而,津巴布韦政府认为,制裁的目的是新殖民主义和帝国主义,因为美国试图维持其对世界霸权的控制。制裁已经实施了20年,并且每年都在更新,这表明到目前为止,制裁还没有达到预期的目标。因此,本研究试图分析阻碍制裁实现其目标的因素。该研究是定性的,研究人员使用了主要和次要数据源。研究人员使用了采访和广泛的已发表文献,主要包括学术脚本,记者的文章,历史报道和论文,有关国际关系的期刊文章,外交政策分析,国内政治,政府研究和历史分析。对联合国安全理事会对南非的制裁进行了案例研究,并对其进行了比较分析。在数据解释和分析方面,研究者采用了专题分析。研究发现,由于津巴布韦政府采取的反战略,制裁尚未实现其目标。这些措施包括快速土地改革计划,本土化和赋权计划,民族团结政府,中津关系。由于诸如全球化,津巴布韦从南部非洲发展共同体,非洲联盟得到的支持以及制裁不是多边的事实等因素,制裁也一直无效。研究发现,由于国内和国际因素的影响,制裁没有达到目的。津巴布韦政府采取了一系列政策和策略来应对美国的制裁。研究还认为,中国通过提供贷款发展资金、援助以及在联合国安理会为津巴布韦站台,在中和制裁影响方面也起到了关键作用。
师孟玲[6]（2021）在《从经贸类文本的一词多译现象探讨术语的翻译及使用策略 ——以《收入分配》英译项目为例》文中研究指明术语翻译及使用的准确性对译文质量至关重要,而图书类翻译项目不仅要求术语翻译的准确性,对译文可读性也有较高要求。本文是基于《中国收入分配改革40年:经验、理论与展望》图书汉译英项目的案例分析报告。《收入分配》一书由权衡撰写,由上海交通大学出版社出版。该书梳理并分析了改革开放四十年来中国的收入差距以及收入分配制度的变化,属于经贸社科类图书。本文从译文的一词多译现象入手,分析了术语层面常见的误译误用,并提出了相应的解决方案。本文主要采用了比较法和归纳法,在充分参考前人学者对术语及一词多译的研究基础上,对比了《收入分配》项目的初译和审校版本,总结了审校在初译基础上进行的术语翻译和使用层面的灵活调整,进而发现了初译中的术语使用不当之处,提出了术语的翻译和使用策略,包括关联术语替代、调整术语词性活用句法变体、选择符合概念体系的搭配词,希望能为同类型翻译项目的译者提供一些借鉴,帮助他们减少术语翻译和使用上的失误,也为术语管理者和双语术语库设计者提供一些新的灵感。
REN Wanxia,XUE Bing,YANG Jun,LU Chengpeng[7]（2020）在《Effects of the Northeast China Revitalization Strategy on Regional Economic Growth and Social Development》文中指出Measuring the economic and social effects of the Northeast China Revitalization Strategy is critical to addressing regional sustainable development in China. To shed light on this issue, an integrated perspective was adopted that is combined with the difference-in-differences method to measure the effects of the strategy on economic growth and social development in Northeast China. The findings suggest that the strategy has significantly improved regional economic growth and per-capita income by increasing its gross domestic product（GDP） and GDP per capita by 25.70% and 46.00%, respectively. However, the strategy has significantly worsened the regional employment in the secondary industry of the region. In addition, the strategy has not significantly improved regional infrastructural road, education investment or social security, and has had no significant effect on mitigating regional disparity. In addition, the policy effects are highly heterogeneous across cities based on city size and characteristics. Therefore, there is no simple answer regarding whether the Northeast China Revitalization Strategy has reached its original goals from an integrated perspective. The next phase of the strategy should emphasize improving research and development（R&D） and human capital investments based on urban heterogeneity to prevent conservative path-dependency and the lock-in of outdated technologies.
田绪军[8]（2020）在《基于语料库的中国外交形象演变研究（1949-2018）》文中认为国家形象是人们对一个国家的总体认知、看法和印象,有自塑形象与他塑形象、正面形象和负面形象之分。正面的国家形象可以给一个国家带来利益,负面的国家形象则可能损害国家利益。因此,各国都在努力树立正面形象,以维护自身利益和权益,并尽可能获得更多利益。随着中国经济的快速增长和综合国力的不断增强,中国越来越重视在国际社会树立积极正面形象,并努力提升其国家形象。学者们也从形象学、国际政治学、传播学、语言学和翻译学等领域对各种媒体话语、政治话语、文学作品、电影和多媒体话语中的中国国家形象进行了研究。国家形象可以在不同层面通过不同渠道进行塑造。外交是一个国家与其他国家、国际组织以及世界各国之间最直接的沟通和交流,是一个国家在国际舞台上最直接的表现方式,是塑造自身形象的最重要渠道和平台。然而,对通过外交建构的中国国家形象,特别是官方外交话语建构的中国自塑形象的研究还不多见。鉴于此,本研究将探索中国外交话语中建构的中国外交形象。本研究首先提出了一个新国家形象分析框架。该框架结合了费尔克劳夫的话语分析三维框架、国家形象建构理论和语料库话语分析理论;其次,本研究以中国外交话语历时语料库为基础,运用上述国家形象分析框架,对中国外交话语通过关键词、高频词、情态动词及其显着搭配和随机抽取的we小句的应用所构建的中国外交形象进行了分析;最后,本研究还探索了三个不同时期中国外交形象演变的社会、经济和历史因素。研究发现,中国外交的主要对象包括美国、前苏联、日本、英国以及一些亚洲、非洲国家等;中国外交的目标是在反对战争的同时维护世界和平,通过合作促进发展,同世界各国人民建立良好关系;中国外交的范围不断扩大,从第一阶段与社会主义国家和周边国家的外交交往,到第二阶段与更多国家的沟通交流,再到新时期全球外交中各领域的全方位外交交流与合作;中国外交的最主要内容第一阶段立国安邦,第二阶段是经济发展,第三阶段是国家的全面发展与全球治理与发展。作为国际国内民众对中国外交的整体看法与印象,中国外交形象随着国际国内政治、经济和社会环境的变化而不断变化。本研究发现第一阶段中国外交话语将中国塑造成为一个战争受害者、世界和平的坚定扞卫者、社会主义国家新成员、贫穷且弱小但对建设国家充满热情、积极寻求与他国建交、致力恢复联合国席位、努力争取妥善解决与邻国的边界问题的国家形象。但是,为了维护国家利益,中国对一些外交客体的态度是不断变化的。中华人民共和国成立初期,为了维护自身主权和利益,中国加入了苏联为首的社会主义阵营,反美国和日本为首的帝国主义阵营;七十年代初,中国改变了外交战略和政策,与美国、英国和日本建立了外交关系。第二阶段中国把经济发展和人民生活水平作为外交重点,中国外交话语将中国塑造成了一个国家完整和主权的坚决扞卫者、多领域国际合作的推动者、各种国际事务的积极参与者、中国共产党领导的社会主义国家形象。在此期间,中国外交的重心从战争与政治斗争转向了通过合作促进国民经济发展,从反对帝国主义转向了香港、澳门回归,从社会主义帝国主义两大阵营的分裂转向了世界各国的合作,从致力重返联合国转向了希望作为联合国会员国承担起更多责任,共同维护世界和平与稳定。与前两个时期截然不同,第三个阶段中国外交话语塑造了一个全球合作与发展的倡议者和发起者、世界和平与稳定的坚决扞卫者、各领域创新的积极推动者、国家治理经验与智慧的分享者形象。此外,中国着眼于全球合作与发展,愿与世界各国分享中国的发展模式与高新技术,为促进国际和区域合作与发展、提高人民生活水平做出贡献。同时,中国在国际事务始终秉持正直、公正的态度,积极寻求解决各种全球和地区问题的办法。研究发现,中国外交形象演变的主要因素包括中国根据不断变化的国际国内形势和不同时期的国家利益,在不同时期采取的外交理论和外交策略、中国外交话语的性质和内容以及中国外交话语的翻译策略。本研究结合语言学、形象学、语料库话语分析、外交学和国际政治等方面理论分析了不同时期中国外交话语构建的中国外交形象。本文提出的国家形象分析/建构框架对国家形象的设计与建构具有一定的参考价值。此外,本研究将基于语料库的话语分析与形象研究相结合,对愈来愈多的国家形象研究,尤其是中国国家形象研究,具有一定的理论意义。本研究运用跨度为70年的中国外交话语语料库对中国外交形象及其演变进行探索,对运用语料库方法的国家形象研究有一定的参考价值。
Sogoba Souleymane[9]（2020）在《中国一带一路在西非国家经济共同体中的实施：挑战与前景》文中指出“一带一路”是中国共产党自2013年以来在当代舞台提出的愿景,并且是中国中央政府的地缘经济一体化计划和中国的对外开放和发展战略。“一带一路”是中国的全球连接项目,旨在包括各种路线,海,陆,空,铁网。因此,它的实施正在分别向所有国家,世界组织和国际机构,区域集团等发出呼吁,以参与、分享和受益于“一带一路”的预期目标。全球化的“一带一路”必须加紧全球贸易网络和基础设施建设,以进行国际转运,交换和连接。为了突破人地之间的障碍,它将战略经济区,工业和自然资源区连接起来。此外,它打算便利和促进在投资者区域和必要区域之间的外国投资。在发达国家和发展中国家之间建立全球友谊和伙伴关系,通过互惠互利,围绕双赢交流建立外交联系,也是有利的。“一带一路”是中国体现的全球化的经济和政治格局。因此,“一带一路”倡议将重组世界秩序和进程。“一带一路”正在围绕经济,政治,社会,文化,安全与和平建设塑造全球合作集群模式。因此,中国通过中非合作论坛进入非洲大陆的规模不断扩大,非洲2063年议程,非洲新伙伴关系,中国和西非经济共同体可以合作并共同建设“一带一路”来共同收益。西非经济共同体的区域经济和社会资源开发计划非常适合“一带一路”倡议。与此相关的是,本文着眼于中国在西非西非经济共同体的“一带一路”建设、“一带一路”实施的挑战以及西非经济共同体地区的前景。“一带一路”全球目标将是中国和西非经济共同体国家的共同机遇。研究中国支持投资,基础设施建设经验和技能,工业和技术拥有的经济和融资能力,并研究西非经济共同体国家对贸易、经济发展、基础设施的软硬需求,是农业和能源部门发展的最大需求和吸引力,在工业和技术进口方面,中国和西非经济共同体可以共同执行“一带一路”目标。之后,中国的“一带一路”倡议将为西非国家经济共同体的全球发展做出贡献,因此,西非国家经济共同体欢迎“一带一路”进入该地区。中国和西非经济共同体国家不仅将合作执行“一带一路”,而且还应共同面对以减轻相互受益的“一带一路”实施带来的挑战和风险。与此相关,他们必须塑造一些相互交流和理解的机制,以建立“一带一路”实施安全性、框架的结算和相互管理机制。按照这种逻辑,就可以更好地建设“一带一路”并实现其目标。“一带一路”不是利益的杂糅和利益的冲突,而是利益的契合、市场共享的开放、大规模的合作。
Pamir Gautam[10]（2020）在《Rising China’s Policy Towards South Asia:From Limited Interactions to Proactive Engagement》文中研究表明The conduct and content of China’s foreign policy towards South Asia has undergone a remarkable transformation over the last few decades.From being a relatively marginal player in South Asian regional affairs,China today is proactively engaged in South Asia.China’s increasingly sophisticated regional policies are driven by multiple factors,including the United States rising interests and efforts in developing a strategic relationship with India in response to China’s continued rise as an economic,political and military power;China’s own need to maintain the momentum of its economic growth;and for ensuring development and stability in its western regions,all necessary components for achieving the Chinese dream of National rejuvenation.In the pursuit of China’s ’national interest,’ in the region,I argue that the current diplomatic practice of the PRC has highly prioritized the notion of reassurance and cooperative engagement to ensure stable and peaceful regional environment by increasing interaction and interdependence between and amongst regional states in South Asia.The goal of this strategy is to create a situation in which states would not feel threatened by China rise to make counter preparations that could exacerbate the security dilemma.Therefore,reassurance and mutual cooperation offer a high level of policy coordination,close communication and diplomatic synchronization.In doing so China has employed and promoted both bilateral as well as multilateral diplomacy in its dealing with South Asian states.
二、China’s Social Security Policy（论文开题报告）
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三、China’s Social Security Policy（论文提纲范文）
（1）后冷战时代小国在国际政治中的角色演变 ——孟加拉国和新加坡的案例研究（论文提纲范文）
| Abstract |
| Acknowledgements |
| Abbreviations and Acronyms |
| Chapter 1:Introduction |
| 1.1.Background |
| 1.2.Literature Review |
| 1.2.1.Small States in the Post-Cold War International Politics |
| 1.2.2.Global Institutions and Small States |
| 1.2.3.Regional Organizations and Small States |
| 1.2.4.Bangladesh as a Small State: Status and Contributions |
| 1.2.5.Singapore as a Small State:Status and Contributions |
| 1.3.Gaps in the Existing Literatures |
| 1.4.Research Questions |
| 1.4.1.Central Research Question |
| 1.4.2.Secondary Research Questions |
| 1.5.Statement of Hypothesis |
| 1.6.Variables of the Study |
| 1.7.Relationship among the Variables |
| 1.8.Research Objectives |
| 1.9.Research Design |
| 1.9.1.Methodology of the Study |
| 1.9.2.Data Collection Techniques |
| 1.9.3.Approach of Data Analysis and Presentation |
| 1.10.Limitations of the Study |
| 1.11.Organization of the Dissertation |
| Chapter 2:Conceptual and Theoretical Frameworks |
| 2.1.Conceptual Tools |
| 2.1.1.Small State |
| 2.1.2.International Institution: Global and Regional |
| 2.1.3.Region, Regionalism and Regional Organization |
| 2.1.4.Geopolitics |
| 2.1.5.Geoeconomics |
| 2.2. Theoretical Frameworks |
| 2.2.1.Neo-realism |
| 2.2.2.Neoliberal Institutionalism |
| Chapter 3:Historical Account of International Politics and the Role of Small States: From the Cold War to the Post-Cold War Developments |
| 3.1.Expansion of Global Institutions |
| 3.2.Progress of Regional Organizations |
| 3.3.Evolving Role of Small States |
| Chapter 4:Significance of Geopolitical and Geoeconomic attributes of Small States in the Light of the Post-Cold War Developments of International Politics |
| 4.1.Significance of Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Factors for Small States |
| 4.2.Bangladesh as a Small State and its Foreign Policy Principles |
| 4.3.Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Significance of Bangladesh |
| 4.3.1.Geographical Characteristics of Bangladesh |
| 4.3.2.Geopolitical Significance of Bangladesh |
| 4.3.3.Geoeconomic Significance of Bangladesh |
| 4.4.Inputs of Bangladesh' Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Attributes to its Foreign Policy |
| 4.5.Singapore as a Small State and its Foreign Policy Principles |
| 4.6.Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Significance of Singapore |
| 4.6.1.Geographical Characteristics of Singapore |
| 4.6.2.Geopolitical Significance of Singapore |
| 4.6.3.Geoeconomic Significance of Singapore |
| 4.7.Inputs of Singapore's Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Attributes to its Foreign Policy |
| Chapter 5:Significance of Global Institutions for Small States in the Post-Cold War Era |
| 5.1.Significance of Global Institutions for Small States |
| 5.2.The Case Study of Bangladesh |
| 5.3.The Case Study of Singapore |
| Chapter 6:Significance of Regional Organizations for Small States in the Post-Cold War Era |
| 6.1.Significance of Regional Organizations for Small States |
| 6.2.Bangladesh in SAARC: A Small State's Imperative |
| 6.3.Singapore in ASEAN: A Small State's Champion |
| Chapter 7:Major Findings of the Study |
| Chapter 8:Conclusion and Implications of the Study |
| APPENDIX1 AREA,POPULATION,GDP AND MILITARY EXPENDITURE BY COUNTRY IM SOUTH ASIA |
| APPENDIX2 AREA,POPULATION,GDP AND MILITARY EXPENDITURE BY COUNTRY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA |
| APPENDIX3 REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS(1945-2010) |
| References |
| 学位论文评阅及答辩情况表 |
（2）中国不断变化的阿富汗对阿富汗政策（2009-2019）（论文提纲范文）
| Acknowledgement |
| Abstract |
| List of Abbreviations |
| 1.Chapter-Background of the Research |
| 1.0 Purpose and Significance of the Research |
| 1.2 Argument |
| 1.3 Research Questions |
| 1.4 Theoretical Framework |
| 1.5 Realism |
| 1.6 The Neo-Realism |
| 1.7 The Neo-Classical Realism |
| 1.8 Why the Research Takes NCR Instead of other Theoretical Perspectives |
| 1.9 Research Methodology |
| 1.10 Research Framework and Thesis Structure |
| 1.11 Literature Review |
| 2.Chapter-China's Evolving Foreign Policy in Afghanistan:History,Stakes,Public welfare Projects |
| 2.1 Afghanistan's Geography and Natural Resources |
| 2.2 Afghanistan's Importance for China |
| 2.3 China's Afghanistan Policy Since 1949 |
| 2.4 China's Afghanistan Policy Since 2001 |
| 2.5 China's Updated Foreign Policy in Afghanistan |
| 2.6 China and the Afghan Peace Process |
| 2.7 The Relevant Actors in the Afghan War |
| 3.Chapter-Role of Internal Factors in Shaping the Chinese Foreign Policy towards Afghanistan |
| 3.1 Changing Perception of Leadership: China Assumes Proactive Approach towards the International System |
| 3.2 The Belt and Road Initiative |
| 3.3 The New Neighborhood Diplomacy: China and Afghanistan Peace |
| 4.Chapter-The External Factors Attributed to the Revised Chinese Foreign Policy towards Afghanistan |
| 4.1 The Withdrawal of the US-led Western Forces |
| 4.2 The New Stance of the Regional Countries towards Afghanistan |
| 4.3 How does India influence the Chinese Foreign Policy towards Afghanistan? |
| 5.Chapter-Conclusion and Recommendations |
| 6.Bibliography |
| 学位论文评阅及答辩情况表 |
（3）Spatial-temporal characteristics of the coupling coordination of social security and economic development in China during 2002–2018（论文提纲范文）
| 1. Introduction |
| 2. Data and methods |
| 2.1. Index selection and data sources |
| 2.2. Entropy weight method |
| 2.3. Coupling coordination degree model |
| 2.4. Exploratory spatial data analysis |
| 2.5. Standard deviation ellipse |
| 3. Results |
| 3.1. Temporal characteristics of coupling coordination between social security and economic development |
| 3.2. Spatial characteristics of coupling coordination between social security and economic development |
| 3.2.1. Spatial evolution process |
| 3.2.2. Global spatial autocorrelation analysis |
| 3.2.3. Local spatial autocorrelation analysis |
| 4. Discussion and conclusions |
| Declaration of competing interest |
（5）Analysis of the US Economic Sanctions on Zimbabwe:2001-2021（论文提纲范文）
| 摘要 |
| Abstract |
| List of Abbreviations |
| Chapter 1-Introduction |
| 1.1. Background |
| 1.2. Problem Statement |
| 1.3. Research Question |
| 1.4. Hypothesis |
| 1.5. Research Methods |
| 1.5.1. Research Design |
| 1.5.2. Sampling Technique |
| 1.5.3. Thematic Analysis |
| 1.6. Literature Review |
| 1.6.1. How Sanctions work |
| 1.6.2. The failure of Sanctions |
| 1.6.3. The Impact of Sanctions on the target country |
| 1.7. Theoretical Framework |
| 1.7.1. Liberalism and Sanctions |
| 1.7.2. Realism and Sanctions |
| 1.8. Concept Definition |
| 1.8.1. Sanctions |
| 1.8.2. Land Reform |
| 1.9. Structure of the Thesis |
| Chapter 2-The rationale for the Imposition of Economic Sanctions |
| 2.1. Coercion |
| 2.2. Punishment |
| 2.3. Symbolism |
| 2.4. Signaling |
| 2.5. Economic Sanctions and the Media |
| 2.6. US Sanctions as a tool for regime change |
| 2.7. US Economic Sanctions as a Tool for Neo Colonialism |
| Chapter 3-What caused the US to impose economic sanctions on Zimbabwe? |
| 3.1. From the perspective of the government of Zimbabwe and the US government |
| 3.2. Historical Context of Zimbabwe sanctions |
| 3.3. Are the unilateral sanctions legal under international law? |
| 3.4. Are the US economic sanctions on Zimbabwe legal? |
| Chapter 4-Impact of Economic Sanctions on Zimbabwe |
| 4.1. Sanctions in a Globalized Era |
| 4.2. The Impact of travel bans, asset freezing and arms embargoes |
| 4.3. Effects of sanctions on Zimbabwe's economy and rights of civilians |
| 4.3.1. Right to Healthcare |
| 4.3.2. Right to Education |
| 4.3.3. Right to Life |
| 4.3.4. Multilateral financial institutions funding and their impact on well-being |
| Chapter 5-The failure of US economic sanctions on Zimbabwe |
| 5.1. Domestic factors |
| 5.1.1. Fast Track Land Reform Program |
| 5.1.2. Indigenization and Empowerment Program |
| 5.1.3. Government of National Unity |
| 5.2. Bilateral support from China |
| 5.2.1. FOCAC |
| 5.2.2. Diplomacy |
| 5.2.3. Look East Policy |
| 5.3. Regional Solidarity from SADC |
| 5.4. Solidarity from AU |
| Chapter 6-Conclusions and Recommendations |
| 6.1. Conclusion |
| 6.2. Recommendations |
| Acknowledgements |
| Bibliography |
（6）从经贸类文本的一词多译现象探讨术语的翻译及使用策略 ——以《收入分配》英译项目为例（论文提纲范文）
| 致谢 |
| 摘要 |
| Abstract |
| 引言 |
| 第一章 《收入分配》项目概述 |
| 一、收入分配项目案例描述 |
| 二、翻译流程 |
| 第二章 关于术语一词多译的关键概念 |
| 一、术语的定义 |
| 二、术语单义性 |
| 三、术语变体 |
| 四、术语一词多译 |
| 五、现代术语管理模式 |
| 第三章 初译的术语翻译与使用错误 |
| 一、术语使用过度重复且抽象 |
| 二、术语词性僵化,句式被原文牵引 |
| 三、术语与语境中其他概念不搭配 |
| 四、术语译文与原文信息不等效 |
| 第四章 术语变化原则及解决方案 |
| 一、坚持术语单义性原则 |
| 二、解决方案 |
| (一)同一概念体系下的关联术语替代 |
| (二)调整术语词性,活用句法变体 |
| (三)关注术语搭配,选择符合概念体系的搭配词 |
| 结语 |
| 参考文献 |
| 附录 《收入分配》中英文对照文本(节选) |
（8）基于语料库的中国外交形象演变研究（1949-2018）（论文提纲范文）
| Acknowledgements |
| Abstract |
| 摘要 |
| List of Abbreviations |
| CHAPTER Ⅰ Introduction |
| 1.1 Background |
| 1.2 Research Questions |
| 1.3 Methodology |
| 1.4 Research Procedures |
| 1.5 Organization of the Thesis |
| CHAPTER Ⅱ Literature Review |
| 2.1 Studies on National Image |
| 2.2 Studies on China's Diplomacy and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 2.3 Studies on Diplomatic Discourse |
| 2.4 Summary |
| CHAPTER Ⅲ Literature Review |
| 3.1 Three Dimensional Model for Discourse Analysis |
| 3.2 Framework of National Image Analysis/Construction |
| 3.3 Application of the Proposed Framework |
| CHAPTER Ⅳ KEYWORDS AND CHINA'S DIPLOMATIC IMAGE |
| 4.1 Key Keywords of Chinese Diplomatic Discourse |
| 4.2 Keywords of 1~(st) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 4.3 Keywords of 2~(nd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 4.4 Keywords of 3~(rd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 4.5 Discussion:Keywords and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 4.6 Summary |
| CHAPTER Ⅴ HIGH FREQUENCY WORDS AND CHINA'S DIPLOMATIC IMAGE |
| 5.1 High Freq. Words of 1~(st) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 5.2 High Freq. Words of 2~(nd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 5.3 High Freq. Words of 3~(rd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 5.4 Discussion:High Freq.Words and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 5.5 Summary |
| CHAPTER Ⅵ Modal Verbs and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 6.1 Application of Modal Verbs in Chinese Diplomatic Discourse |
| 6.2 Modal Verbs of 1~(st)Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 6.3 Modal Verbs of 2~(nd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 6.4 Modal Verbs of 3~(rd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 6.5 Modal Verbs and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 6.6 Summary |
| CHAPTER Ⅶ WE-CLAUSES AND CHINA'S DIPLOMATIC IMAGE |
| 7.1 Use of We in the Chinese Diplomatic Discourse |
| 7.2 Process Types of We-clauses in the Chinese Diplomatic Discourse |
| 7.3 We-clauses of 1~(st)Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 7.4 We-clauses of 2~(nd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 7.5 We-clauses of 3~(rd) Period and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 7.6 Discussion:We-clauses and China's Diplomatic Image |
| 7.7 Summary |
| CHAPTER Ⅷ Factors Contributing to Evolution of China's Diplomatic Image |
| 8.1 China's Diplomatic Policies |
| 8.2 Nature of Chinese Diplomatic Discourse |
| 8.3 Translation of Chinese Diplomatic Discourse |
| CHAPTER Ⅸ Conclusion |
| 9.1 Major Findings |
| 9.2 Contributions,Implications and Limitations |
| 9.3 Suggestions for Future Studies |
| Bibliography |
| 攻读博士期间取得的主要研究成果 |
（9）中国一带一路在西非国家经济共同体中的实施：挑战与前景（论文提纲范文）
| Dedications |
| 摘要 |
| Abstract |
| Abbreviations |
| 1. Introduction |
| 1.1 Background |
| 1.2 Literature Review |
| 1.3 Research questions |
| 1.4 Research Objectives |
| 1.5 Theoretical Framework |
| 1.6 Research Methodology |
| 1.7 Significance of the Study |
| 1. China and African's cooperation Roots Prerequisites to OBOR |
| 1.1. China's Contemporary Foreign Policy Guideline |
| 1.2. China-Africa Interactions in Historical Process |
| 1.3. China-African Cooperation Forehead OBOR Framework |
| 2. Processes of ECOWAS Economic and Politic Integration |
| 2.1. ECOWAS Inception and Functioning |
| 2.2. ECOWAS Cooperation Instruments and Objective |
| 2.3. ECOWAS Stakeholders |
| 2.4. ECOWAS Economic and Development Projects |
| 2.5. ECOWAS Security Architecture and Mechanism |
| 3. China's OBOR Implementation in ECOWAS area |
| 3.1. OBOR Implementation and Compatibility Framework |
| 3.2. China's OBOR Agenda |
| 3.3. OBOR Implementation Impacts |
| 3.4. OBOR Contributions and Opportunities to both Partners |
| 3.5. OBOR as Sustainable Development in ECOWAS area |
| 4. China's OBOR Challenges in ECOWAS Area |
| 4.1. Insecurity and Peace implications in OBOR Implementation |
| 4.2 ECOWAS under the Shadow of Globalisation |
| 4.3. Struggles of Domination Risks for OBOR in ECOWAS area |
| 4.4. Detractors' Refutation |
| 4.5. Perspectives |
| 5. Conclusion and Suggestion |
| 5.1 Conclusion |
| 5.2 Suggestions |
| Acknowledgements |
| Bibliography |
（10）Rising China’s Policy Towards South Asia:From Limited Interactions to Proactive Engagement（论文提纲范文）
| Abstract |
| Acknowledgements |
| List of Abbreviations |
| Chapter 1 Introduction |
| 1.1 Background |
| 1.2 Purpose and Significance of the Research |
| 1.3 Research Puzzle |
| 1.4 Research Questions |
| 1.5 Hypothesis |
| 1.6 Research Methodology |
| 1.7 Limitations of the Study |
| 1.8 Organization of the Dissertation |
| Chapter 2 International Relations, Rising Power, and Chinesestrategy to Manage its Rise |
| 2.1 Introduction |
| 2.2 The Implications of China Rise |
| 2.2.1 The Realists Pessimism about China Rise |
| 2.2.2 China Rise not a Zero Sum Game-the institutionalists and Interdependenceschool |
| 2.2.3 Constructivists |
| 2.3 Analytical eclecticism to understand China's Foreign Policy |
| 2.4 US Response to China Rise:From China Threat to China Assertive |
| 2.5 Chinese strategy to Manage its Rise as a Global Power |
| Chapter 3 China's South Asia Policy until the end of 20~(th) Century |
| 3.1 China-South Asia Relations in the early years of the PRC |
| 3.2 The South Asian Regional Politics and China in the post-1962 period |
| 3.3 The Indo-Pakistan War of 1971,creation of Bangladesh and China's Role |
| 3.4 Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and its implications on China's South AsiaPolicy |
| 3.5 The Rise of Deng Xiaoping and the Sino-India Rapprochement |
| 3.6 India's Nuclear Test and Chinese Response |
| Chapter 4 Changing Dynamics of China-South Asia Relationsin the New Millennium |
| 4.1 Introduction |
| 4.2 China's Interests in South Asia |
| 4.2.1 Economic Interest: Market, Investment and Connectivity |
| 4.2.2 Security Interest: Internal and External |
| 4.3 China's Strategy toward a Rising India |
| 4.4 China's Relations with other countries in the region |
| 4.5 China's Relations with other small States in South Asia |
| 4.5.1 China and Bangladesh |
| 4.5.2 China and Nepal |
| 4.5.3 China's Relations with Sri Lanka |
| Chapter 5 China's Multilateral Engagement with South Asia |
| 5.1 Introduction |
| 5.2 China's Experience with Multilateral Diplomacy |
| 5.3 China's 'Regionalism Foreign policy'in South Asia |
| 5.3.1 China and South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) |
| 5.3.2 China and South Asia in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) |
| 5.3.3 China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and South Asia |
| 5.3.4 The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and South Asia |
| Chapter 6 Conclusion |
| 6.1 Evaluating the findings of the Study |
| 6.2 Challenges to China's South Asia Relations |
| 6.3 China's Policy option towards South Asia |
| References |
四、China’s Social Security Policy（论文参考文献）
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- [2]中国不断变化的阿富汗对阿富汗政策（2009-2019）[D]. Muhammad Nauman Akhter. 山东大学, 2021(12)
- [3]Spatial-temporal characteristics of the coupling coordination of social security and economic development in China during 2002–2018[J]. LI Qiong,ZHAO Yang,LI Songlin,ZHANG Lanlan. Regional Sustainability, 2021(02)
- [4]The effects of social security expenditure on reducing income inequality and rural poverty in China[J]. YU Le-rong,LI Xiao-yun. Journal of Integrative Agriculture, 2021(04)
- [5]Analysis of the US Economic Sanctions on Zimbabwe:2001-2021[D]. Takudzwa McDonald Madzimure. 华中师范大学, 2021(02)
- [6]从经贸类文本的一词多译现象探讨术语的翻译及使用策略 ——以《收入分配》英译项目为例[D]. 师孟玲. 上海外国语大学, 2021(04)
- [7]Effects of the Northeast China Revitalization Strategy on Regional Economic Growth and Social Development[J]. REN Wanxia,XUE Bing,YANG Jun,LU Chengpeng. Chinese Geographical Science, 2020(05)
- [8]基于语料库的中国外交形象演变研究（1949-2018）[D]. 田绪军. 上海交通大学, 2020(01)
- [9]中国一带一路在西非国家经济共同体中的实施：挑战与前景[D]. Sogoba Souleymane. 华中师范大学, 2020(02)
- [10]Rising China’s Policy Towards South Asia:From Limited Interactions to Proactive Engagement[D]. Pamir Gautam. 山东大学, 2020(08)